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The papers are preceded by an introduction that places them within the context of Syme's work and of the current historiography on the Roman Republic, and are followed by a full set of bibliographical addenda. Priests and state in the Roman world Book 9 editions published in in 3 languages and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Ruin or renewal?

Studies on wealth in the ancient world Book 5 editions published in in English and held by 74 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Teofane di Mitilene : testimonianze e frammenti by Theophanes Book 4 editions published in in Italian and held by 38 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Sulla, the elites and the empire : a study of Roman policies in Italy and the Greek east by Federico Santangelo Book 1 edition published in in English and held by 17 WorldCat member libraries worldwide.

Imagines italicae : a corpus of Italic inscriptions Book 1 edition published in in English and held by 13 WorldCat member libraries worldwide "Imagines Italicae, edited by M. Crawford and colleagues, is the outcome of a research project based in the combined library of the Hellenic and Roman Societies and of the Institute of Classical Studies, beginning in and initially supported by the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council.

The empire created by Rome underlies many of the structures of modern Europe, and that empire in turn was in its early stages the joint creation of Rome and the other peoples of Italy. Almost the only records left by those peoples themselves consist of the texts they inscribed and the coinages they produced. Imagines Italicae provides for the first time a complete corpus of those texts which are in one or other of the Italic languages, accompanied by photographs or drawings, a critical apparatus, an English translation where possible, a bibliography, and a full account of their discovery and archaeological context.

Divination by Federico Santangelo 1 edition published in in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Studies on wealth in the ancient world by Errietta M. A Bissa Book 1 edition published in in English and held by 3 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Governing the roman empire in the first century bc 1 edition published in in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide. Audience Level. Related Identities. Associated Subjects. Federico Santangelo schrijver.

English Italian 10 Spanish 1 Greek, Ancient 1. Author , Editor , Translator , Publishing director. DG, Project Page Feedback Known Problems. The innumerable tribes of Celtic Gaul modern-day France , and their ethnically and linguistically distinction Germanic neighbours across the Rhine, were forever on the move. Two particular tribes, the Cimbri and Teutones, began to grow in strength and push south, encroaching on Roman interest to the north of the Alps and in southern France. Legions were sent north to put down the impertinent barbarians but instead suffered successive defeats in BC and BC.

With the apparent incompetence of the Senate having been put on full display, the people of Rome called for Gaius Marius.

His election to a second consecutive term as Consul was obviously illegal, but the rule of law gave way to popular sentiment; he would hold the office an unprecedented seven times in his career. In order to fight this new enemy, Marius insisted on reorganising the very structure of the Roman army; the Marian Reforms. First, he eliminated the property requirement for recruitment to the legions, thus allowing the unemployed Roman masses to enlist in military service.

Second, he abandoned the traditional three-line Manipular formation as the basic tactical unit, in favour of the Cohort, where ranks would rapidly cycle so that fresh troops were always at the front. And finally, he rebranded the army as a career choice rather than a temporary obligation, helped by his policy of promoting strictly on merit, rather than young nobles simply stepping into positions of leadership.

The Marian Reforms had resulted in a much more effective armies, but the changing nature of the army also had unforeseen consequences that would be all too evident in Marius' lifetime. From here on out, poor citizens became career soldiers, promised a salary while they served and a plot of land when they retired. Yet the Senate was notoriously slow with pay cheques and often reneged on land grants. Soon enough the loyalty of the legions subtly shifted away from the interests of the state, and to those of the generals who led them and could deliver plunder and land. Meanwhile, after five consecutive terms as Consul, Marius retired from politics, and it appeared the great general had left the public stage for good.

However, the Social War 91—88 BC would usher in the final dramatic phase of his career. By the 1st-century BC, the Italian peninsula had stood firmly together for nealt two hundred year, even against the might of Hannibal Barca. But even now, full Roman citizenship barely extend much beyond the hinterland of the city of Rome itself. Instead a complex collection of alliances between Rome and the cities and communities of Italy still endured, dating back to the Samnite Wars and before.

In the past this arrangement had served everyone well, with the Romans sharing the spoils of war generously, in return for the Italian troop levies. In recent decades however, they found themselves increasingly sharing the risk of Rome's military campaigns, but not its rewards. Since the Gracchi Brothers , the conservatives in the Senate had hardened themselves against even obviously just reforms.

It would take two bloody years of the Social War for the Italians to be finally granted their simple request for citizenship. The second class status afforded the Italian allies finally became intolerable, when a Tribune called Drusus took up the thorny issue in 91 BC; first the Senate tried to kill his legislation and when that didn't work, they simply killed Drusus. In the aftermath, town after town across Italy openly declared that they no longer bore any allegiance to Rome.

The first year of the war was dangerous, with the tribes of central and southern Italy traditionally among the best soldiers in Rome. It was quick and decisive political action that turned the war; the Senate understanding now that citizenship was inevitable, offered it to any Italian in revolt who would lay down his arms.

Most jumped at the chance, and the revolt quickly fizzled out. This did not sit particularly well with Marius, who had been brought out of retirement as an advisor, but refused the command by the Senate, fearful the new man would return to the political arena. Sulla in contrast was born into a Patrician family of ancient pedigree, thus popular with the Senate. Early in his military career, Sulla had been Marius' protege, but a rift had since developed between the two men because Marius invariably drew the limelight to himself. By 88 BC, the threat to Pergamon demanded urgent action, and Sulla was the natural choice to lead a Roman campaign.

The aging Marius however had his own mind set on one last fling with glory, and through the use of mob violence in the streets of Rome, intimidated the Senate into transferring the command to him. The use of thuggery in Roman politics was starting to become less the exception and more and more the rule, but Sulla's response was totally unprecedented. He made for the legionary camp preparing for service in the east, and marched instead on Rome itself.

Sulla forced Marius to flee the city for Africa, put the Senate firmly back in control in Rome, and then departed east to deal with Mithridates. His extraordinary actions divided Rome as never before into bitterly opposing pro-Sulla and pro-Marius factions, representing respectively the conservatives and popularist reformers.

The pro-Sulla faction initially seemed to prevail, until Marius raised an army in Africa and followed the precedence Sulla had just set. The old general's army seized Rome, where he initiated a grisly purge of his political opponents. This unprecedented seventh term as Consul was the culmination Marius' life; he died of natural causes after just thirteen days in office. Athens had allied with Mithridates in the hope of driving the Romans from Greece, but the city was besieged into submission. At this point, Sulla heard the news from Rome that the Marian faction had returned to power and declared him an "enemy of the state".

He agreed a hasty peace with Mithridates, that left him in power to plague Rome again some 20 years later. Sulla's return from the east in 83 BC, backed by an army of 40, men and much treasure, led to a brief but full-scale civil-war. Marian armies were sent against him, but none could even give battle against the wildly popular and charismatic Sulla. When the first army deserted en-masse , Cinna decided to lead the second himself, but his own soldiers mutinied and stoned him to death.

The path to Rome now lay open. Inside the city, news of Sulla's imminent return was met by panic, and the civil war culminated in a desperate last stand at the Battle of the Colline Gate November 82 BC , a huge struggle just outside the city-walls with both sides believing their own victory would save the Roman Republic. In the end, the Marian forces broke and Sulla stood alone as the master of Rome. This time the purge surpassed all previous excesses in savagry and organisation. Sulla offered a reward for the death or capture of supporters of Marius and his colleagues.

To guide the would-be assassins, a "proscription" list was published of 1, suitable names, among them 40 Senators. The reign of terror that followed ultimately engulfed some 9, men, women and children. The Senate was now in a mood to agree with anything that Sulla might suggest, and he was appointed Dictator, reviving the role for the first time since the Second Punic War over a century before. In an unprecedented development this Dictatorship was not for a maximum of six months, but Dictator for life. Marius, the greatest of the new men, had been idolised by the masses, and people's assemblies.

Sulla used his powers to put through a comprehensive program of reform, aimed at putting the Senate firmly back in control of state affairs. To silence the popularist demagogues, the Tribunes were stripped not only of much of their power, but also of their prestige; ex-Tribunes were prohibited from ever holding any other office, so ambitious men would no longer seek the office. The Senate was then doubled in size, packed with staunch conservatives, and its powers strengthened over the courts and the provinces.

And finally the steps required to become Consul were definitively codified and made stricter, the Cursus Honorum , thus ensuring that the future leaders of Rome could handle the responsibilities; an individual must reach a certain age and level of experience before running for any particular office.

Sulla hoped that these reforms had made his own career an institutional impossibility. In 80 BC, after two years as Dictator, he announced that he was stepping down from office and, after a year in legitimate office as Consul, retired from public life; peacefully stepping away from near-absolute power like Cincinnatus. He died two years later, and his gravestone was marked by an epitaph that he wrote himself, summing up his life as well as anything anyone else might say; " no greater friend, no worse enemy ".

Sulla doubtless believed that he had put the Roman Republic back on the path to stable government. However, the ambitious men who followed him focused instead on the facts of Sulla's life and career; the power he had gained by any means necessary. Whatever great works Sulla accomplished in his life, saving the Roman Republic was certainly not among them. Indeed the ringleaders of its demise were some of his leading supporters.

In the years after Sulla, political life in Rome was increasingly dominated by two of those supporter, Marcus Licinius Crassus d. Both men were of uninfluential families of the ruling elite, and had supported Sulla in his civil-war against the Marian faction. Crassus had played by far the more important role, commanding the right side on the battle-line at the crucial Battle of the Colline Gate. But in the first chapter of what turned out to be the defining stories of his life, Crassus was overshadowed by the younger and more charismatic Pompey. Pompey was married Sulla's step-daughter, and managed to wheedle a Triumph out of his father-in-law for a campaign against Marian rebels in Sicily and Spain; it was Sulla himself who bestowed the suffix Pompey Magnus or Pompey the Great, originally as a sarcastic dig at his arrogant demands.

Pompey and Crassus were outstanding examples of a relatively new trend in Roman history; men who pursued their careers with an unflinching single-mindedness. Pompey was the son of a renowned general, and an outstanding general himself. His career seems to have been driven entirely by two things, a desire for military glory and a disregard for traditional political constraints. Crassus on the other hand had bought and sold his way to the top of Rome's financial food-chain during chaotic economic mess of Sulla's reign-of-terror, buying up whatever the proscribed left behind.

In his pursuit of wealth, he showed both shrewd financial acumen and a penchant for ruthless profiteering; he established Rome's fire service, offering to put a fire out only if the distraught owner agreed to sell the property at a ridiculously low price. In Roman culture, wealth might be looked upon with envy, but true admiration were reserved for military heroes.

So Pompey lived a charmed life idolised by the masses, while Crassus had to be content as the respected richest man and largest landowner. Gladiator spectacles are a standing reminder of the brutality and coarseness of which Roman civilisation was capable. But to the Romans themselves, bloodshed in the arena was a celebration of the highest of virtues; courage in the face of death. Fights against other gladiators or wild animals were not always to the death, since gladiators were expensive to train and knew how to please the crowd, although accidental deaths were obviously common. If the audience did not like the way the gladiator fought, then death was considered a righteous penalty for defeat.

Prior to the famous slave revolt of Spartacus , Pompey was just another ambitious general, and Crassus just another fat-cat on the make. But afterwards both men would turn their well-deserved and not-so well-deserved acclaim into a high flying political career. Slaves were treated oppressively for the most part during the period of the Roman Republic, kept in place by fear of retribution; they could be arbitrarily abused or flogged or even killed without legal consequences.

It was only when the empire began to stop expanding and the supply-line of human trafficking dried-up that slaves began to be granted any kind of rights. In 73 BC, some 70 gladiators and slaves fought their way out of a gladiator school in Capua. Spartacus and another gladiator Crixus soon emerged as the leaders of the little band of escapees, who spent the summer raiding the rich country estates of the region, gaining plunder and freeing more slaves.

In the winter, now numbering in their thousands, they took refuge on the densely forested slopes of Mount Vesuvius.

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It was here that a local Roman militia of 3, men caught up with them, and blocked their only escape from the mountain. Spartacus now displayed the kind of ingenuity that would make him such a formidable foe, having his men make ladders, rappel down the cliffs, and annihilate the surprised militia. By 72 BC, the alarmed Senate dispatched two Consular armies to decisively put an end to the slave revolt. At this point the slave army split in two, with Crixus peeling off some 30, men and heading south to continue plundering, while Spartacus and the main group headed north seemingly intent on leaving Italy.

But Spartacus' response was decisive, launching a full assault on the unprepared army to the north, defeating it, and then wheeling around to rout the second army too. At this point, Crassus, famed as a harsh disciplinarian, was given the command and he brought the Third Servile War to its brutal conclusion. For unclear reasons, Spartacus had spurned the opportunity to escape Italy, and instead moved south, making for the toe of Italy in order to cross over to Sicily.

When he was betrayed by the pirates bribed to ferry the slave army to the island, Crassus had them trapped. Although some 5, succeeded, the rest were massacred or captured; Spartacus himself is assumed to have died in the fighting. It was at this point that Pompey returned to Italy after a campaign in Spain, just in time to defeated this last group of 5, fleeing and exhausted slaves. Pompey, the master of self-promotion, immediately sent a message to the Senate announcing that it was he, Pompey Magnus, who had officially brought the Third Servile War to an end.

And it was a grisly end too; crosses were erected along the Appian Way, the main road south from Rome, and slaves were crucified as a stark reminder to slaves everywhere of what happens if they forget their place in the world.

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When the honours were being handed-out after the legions returned to Rome, Crassus had to stand side-by-side with the undeserving Pompey, and share credit for the victory. But Crassus, ever the businessman, agreed to join forces with Pompey to seek the co-Consulship in 70 BC. Pompey was ineligible due to his youth and inexperience, but both men refused to stand-down their armies, until the Senate agreed to make sure the election produced the result that was in everyone's best interest. The dangerous situation that Sulla had tried to remedy was thus restored and indeed sharpened by his intervention.

Meanwhile, a campaign that offered glory and riches in abundance was already underway in the east. Bithynia was a small but strategically important kingdom in Anatolia, spanning on the Hellespont, the narrow strait connecting the Black Sea to the Mediterranean. It was inevitably desired by both Rome and Mithridates of Pontus , whom Sulla had stalled but not defeated years earlier. The Senate responded by sending Lucius Licinius Lucullus d. But Pompey coveted the eastern command, and by chance or design happened to be in the region. After his term as Consul, Pompey had refused an ordinary province, and instead, despite vehement opposition, secured for himself an extraordinary command; a special naval force with unprecedented powers over the entire Mediterranean, tasked with dealing with the pirates that had plagued it in recent decades.

It took him just three months to clear the seas of the pirate menace; in truth the threat had been grossly exaggerated, but it was still a brilliantly planned operation. It was in these campaigns that Pompey truly earned his honorific Pompey Magnus. He dealt swiftly with Mithridates, first peeling-off his allies, particularly neighbouring Armenia, and then decisively defeating his army at the Battle of the Lycus 66 BC.

Once considered Rome's most implacable foe, Mithridates fled but could find no refuge such was Pompey's reputation; he committed suicide in 62 BC in relative anonymity. The temptation for a remote provincial governor to strike out on his own as a warlord was often irresistible, and this happened in Parthia, an important area to the south-east of the Caspian Sea. The region was prone to incursions from the nomads of the Central Asian steppes, and the Parthians became a byword for a military skill then peculiar to them; the discharging of arrows by mounted horsemen.

Under the great king Mithridates I of Parthia d. By the end of Mithridates' reign, the Parthian Empire stretched from Afghanistan in the east to the Euphrates in the west, with the Seleucid dynasty confined to a rump-state in Syria. In most things the Parthians seem inheritors, not originators: the administrative structure was basically that left to the Seleucids by Alexander , though more reminiscent of a feudal grouping of nobles about a warlord than a true bureaucratic state; they used Greek for their official documents; and their coins bore the proud title " King of Kings ", consciously evoking ancient Achaemenid Persia.

After Pompey had defeated Mithridates, he went on to absorb all of the Greek eastern into the Roman Empire, except for the Parthian Empire. First, Mithridates' former ally Armenia was turned into a client-state; it would long remain a contested buffer zone between Rome and the Parthians.

Pompey next led his army into Syria where the remnants of the Seleucids were constantly squabbling over the throne; he solved the problem by deposing the latest king and making it a Roman province in 64 BC. Further south, the former Seleucid protectorate of Palestine followed, with Jerusalem finally falling after a three-month siege; it became another client-state.

The administrative systems of provinces and client-states that Pompey established would preserve peace in the region for decades to come. Meanwhile, Ptolemaic Egypt BC had already become a de facto client-state of Rome; the death of the third Ptolemaic ruler in BC was followed by an unending series of sordid dynastic quarrels, which from around 80 BC were invariably resolve by seeking Roman backing, an involvement that became steadily more heavy handed.

Thus Pompey complete the Roman equivalent of Manifest Destiny , establishing Roman hegemony over the whole of the Mediterranean. If this was not enough, he also literally double the annual tax receipts coming into the Roman treasury. He was now rich beyond his wildest dreams and easily the most popular man in Rome. The conservative Senate watched all this with understandable apprehension. In truth Pompey didn't dream of being another Sulla, and always seeming content to bask in the glow of his own fame; this made him as staunch a defender of the Roman Republic as any that existed in those days.

But the Senate's irrational fear of Pompey saw them spend the next two years stymying his modest demands; plots of land on the Italian peninsula for his veteran legions. Pompey's struggle with the Senate eventually brought him into a natural alliance with two other powerful but frustrated men; his old rival Crassus and up-and-coming young politician called Julius Caesar.

An accomplished orator and lawyer, he was responsible more than any other man for the full integration of Greek philosophy into Roman life. In the 14th-century, Petrarch's rediscovery of Cicero's letters is often credited for initiating the Humanist movement and thus the Renaissance. Cicero saw himself as primarily as a politician and pointed to his political career as the achievement he was most proud of.

Yet a string of misjudgements would lead to his assassination in 43 BC. The Catiline Conspiracy of 63 BC was a minor affair in the broad sweep of Roman history, but it illustrates well the sickness that had taken root at the heart of Rome's political system. That a scheming bungler like Lucius Sergius Catilina 62 BC could dream big egotistical dreams of ruling Rome was a sign of the times; the only rule now was power by any means necessary, because once in power the rules could be changed and those who disagreed eliminated.

Catilina was born into one of the oldest Patrician families in Rome that had fallen on hard times in recent decades; he had a dangerous combination of all the arrogance as a well-pedigreed noble, with a desperation to return his family to glory. He had a modestly successful career climbing the Roman political ladder, but it was often plagued by scandal; he bribed his way out of accusations of adultery with a vestal virgin and corruption as governor in Africa.

When he stood for Consul in 63 BC and began promising the sun-moon-and-stars to anyone who would vote for him, the Senate had little choice but to throw their support behind the most conservative of the available candidates. Marcus Tullius Cicero d. He was a " new man ", none of his ancestors had been a Consul, but battled his way up the Roman political ladder through his own drive, his skills as a lawyer, and talent for oratory; he would be known as the greatest orator of his day, perhaps in all Roman history.

Cicero first made his name prosecuting a politically dangerous case against the former governor of Sicily, whose corruption far exceeded even the low standards of the day. But he was no popularist reformer, and firmly believed in the supremacy of the Senate. He gathered around him a motley group of revolutionaries: indebted nobles, corrupt ex-Senators, embittered veterans, and landless commoners. Their planned overthrow of the government was to be kicked-off by the assassination Cicero himself, but Cicero was somehow tipped-off and the assassins were foiled.

The next day in the Senate, Cicero obliterated Catilina with his oratory, and he was forced to flee Rome to the conspirators army gathering in Etruria; Cicero's Catiline Orations are still held-up today as some of the finest rhetoric ever uttered by man. The coup was nevertheless still on, until it was definitively exposed when the conspirators tried to entice some Gauls to join their cause; the Gallic emissaries promptly betrayed every detail of the conspiracy, in order to earn the goodwill of Rome. Cicero now took decisive action; the five leading conspirators in Rome were arrested and, with the approval of the Senate, executed at once.

Legions were meanwhile sent to Etruria where they easily routed the remaining revolutionaries; Catilina himself died bravely in the fighting. Cicero's railroading through the Senate of the execution of five Roman citizens would haunt his entire career. Some years later, his political enemies used it to force him into exile for a year, and the price of his return stymied any hope of opposing the First Triumvirate. While the Catiline Conspiracy was bungling and relatively easily bested, it was another step toward the demise of the Roman Republic. Never before had an election result been question, but even quasi-religious sovereignty of elections was breaking-down.

At the same time, those with similar ambitions were reminded that the Republic was on its last legs, and the important thing now was not to save it, but to make sure the you came out on top when it happened. The Tusculum portrait, perhaps the only surviving sculpture of Caesar made during his lifetime. Not many men build a career so effectively that their name literally means " emperor " two-thousand years later, but such is the case with Guais Julius Caesar d.

Julius Caesar was born into a Patrician family of ancient pedigree but of little politically influential and even less wealth. He was raise in a tenement building owned by his family in a lower-class areas of Rome, far from the lavish homes of his fellow Patrician nobles on the Palatine Hill. It's fair to say that this upbringing had a great impact on his later popularist politics, as well as his contempt for the privileges of the old order.

His aunt was the wife of Marius and he himself married a daughter of Cinna , thus Caesar was joined at the hip to the Marian factions. When Sulla died in 78 BC, Caesar felt safe to return to Rome, and began his career in politics, making a name for himself as a skilled orator and lawyer. A famous story from these early years shows his ruthless determination. In 75 BC, Caesar was kidnapped by pirates, while sailing home from studying in Rhodes with the same Greek master who had brought Cicero 's skills to such great heights. Until his ransom was raised, he consistently maintained friendly relations with his kidnappers, joking that he would hunt them down and have them crucified upon his release.

They assumed this was simply bluster, but when he was let go, he immediately raised a private fleet and did just that. During this time, he established himself as a man to be reckoned with; an able governor, competent and fair, stern but understanding; a shrewd politician, emerging the de-facto leader of the populist faction in the Senate; and a capable military commander, expanding the empire as governor of Spain into the unpacified north-western region.

But Caesar's populist politics and high ambitions had won him no friends in the conservative Senate. Led by Cato the Younger d.

Roman expansion to the East

Faced with the choice between glory and power, Caesar shocked the Senate by entering Rome abandoning his opportunity for a Triumph and registered for the election. Throughout his political career, Julius Caesar had cultivated friendships with both Pompey and Crassus. With little family fortune behind him, Crassus offered financial backing in the hope that some of Caesar's oozing charisma would rub-off. Caesar also became one of the leading supporters of Pompey's interests in Rome, a man who made the conservative Senate as queasy as Caesar seemed to make them. Although Pompey and Crassus had served together a co-Consuls in 70 BC, personally they remained intense rivals.

But both men had their own frustrations with the Senate; Pompey had struggled since returning from the east to have his conquests ratified and veterans settled, while Crassus had been thwarted in a profitable tax-collecting venture in Anatolia. It took some deft maneuvering on Caesar's part to reconcile the rivals, but the benefits of an alliance were obvious; together they had enough money and political influence to effectively ruled Rome. The arrangement, known to history as the First Triumvirate BC , was further cemented by the marriage of Pompey to Caesar's only daughter Julia.

His term in office was highly controversial. In one notorious incident, Caesar's co-Consul, Bibulus, tried to veto one of his bills, and was so badly assaulted in a riot, that he virtually retired from public life for the rest of their term. Even the moderate Cicero was pushed into a confrontational position by his cynical methods, though Caesar had always tried to cultivate cordial relations with the great orator.

Caesar retaliated by unleashing one of Cicero's enemies, Clodius Pulcher, who as Trbune succeeded in having the orator exiled for his actions during the Catilinarian Conspiracy. At the end of his term as Consul, Caesar could normally expect a provincial governorship for a period of one year. Instead, with the help of his political allies, he secured for himself two northern provinces - Cisalpine Gaul northern Italy and Transalpine Gaul southern France.

The term of his governorship, and thus his immunity from prosecution for the irregularities of his term as Consul, was set at five years; later extended to ten years. Julius Caesar 's climb to the top of the Roman political ladder had left him deep in debt. He'd always spent lavishly on his political career; bribes were spread liberally whenever he ran for office, and festivals and gladiatorial games were staged whenever he was in office. His life up to this point had been defined by a running battle with, and sometimes literally running away from, his creditors.

He had only stayed afloat this long by swapping favours with Crassus , who would step-in as guarantor against default. At this time, Gaul beyond the Roman controlled Mediterranean basin was a tapestry of Celtic tribes, a sophisticated society with towns, trade, and political intrigue; most had contact with Roman merchants and some had political alliances with Rome. The delicate balance of power in Gaul started to breakdown in 58 BC, when a tribe called the Helvetii, living near Lake Geneva, decided that they had had enough of Germans marauding across the Rhine, and began to migrate west into lowland Gaul.

This was just the excuse that Caesar had been waiting for to lead his legions into Gaul; he was even given legal cover when a threatened Gallic ally appealed for Roman help. The remnants of the Helvetii were then forced to return to their homeland. The first of a new wave of Germanic tribes flooding across the Rhine were the Suebi under their great leader Ariovistus. Outnumbered and deep in enemy territory, Caesar tried to negotiate a truce with the Suebi, but Ariovistus refused.

Yet neither did he attack. Eventually some spies within the enemy camp revealed the reason why; according to the Germanic soothsayers, the omens precluded a battle. Once their blood was up, the Germans showed no religious hesitation, but after a full day of fighting, they finally broke and fled for the Rhine. Ariovistus never engaged Rome in battle again. In what is widely considered one of the great feats in military engineering, Caesar's army designed and built his first bridge across the Rhine in just 10 days.

Sulla, the elites and the empire : a study of Roman policies in Italy and the Greek east

He crossed with his troops and spent 18 days marching around without any major battle, before returning to Gaul and burning the bridge. For the next few years, Caesar used a savvy strategy of divide-and-conquer to slowly assert Roman rule over all of Gaul. Some tribes resisted and were destroyed, but more often than not they submitted. To stem the flow of Germanic tribes into Gaul, he had his engineers build a temporary bridge across the Rhine twice in 55 and 53 BC, thus cowing the tribes with the knowledge that even their homeland was not beyond the reach of Rome.

To suppress the Veneti and Belgae, seafaring peoples from Brittany and Belgium, he built a fleet and made two preliminary expeditions to the mysterious island of Britain in 55 and 54 BC, in order to cut-off the aid that had flowed from the island. Nothing lasting was established in Britain, and it would be almost exactly a century before Rome returned to fully incorporate Britannia as a province, during the reign of Emperor Claudius.

By 52 BC, it had become clear to the subjugated Gauls that the Romans were here to stay. This prompted the tribes to finally set aside their rivalries, and join forces under the inspirational leadership of Vercingetorix d. The chieftain of the Averni would lead the last stand for his countries independence. Recognising that the Romans had the upper hand on the battlefield, he fought a scorched earth guerilla campaign to deprive them of supplies. When Caesar suffered a major defeats at the Battle of Gergovia 52 BC , the tribes across the country flocked to Vercingetorix's cause.

Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic by Federico Santangelo - edoqicyp.tk

But eventually cornered Vercingetorix and 60, of his men in the hilltop fortress of Alesia. The Siege of Alesia September 52 BC is considered one of Caesar's greatest military achievements and a classic example of siege warfare. Caesar ordered the construction of a 10 mile-long wall around the entire city, to starve the defenders into submission. When word came of the imminent arrival of a large Gallic relief army, he had a second wall built, this one facing out.


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With the Gauls in Alesia already starving, the relief army immediately assaulted the outside Roman fortifications, while Vercingetorix attacked from the inside. For days they fended off constant attacks that chipped away at their defences. On the verge of collapse, Caesar led his cavalry out and attack the relief army from the rear. Inspired by the sight, the Roman infantry pushed out, until attacked from both sides the Gallic relief army broke and fled.

In a dramatic gesture of Celtic chivalry, the next day Vercingetorix rode out of the town, and surrendered to Caesar to save further lives; he was kept captive for six years until Caesar found the right moment to lead him through the streets of Rome to his death in a Triumph. The Siege of Alesia marked the end of formal resistance to Roman rule in Gaul.

Caesar had now achieved everything he had set-out to do; he'd conquered vast new territory for Rome; made himself incredibly wealthy; had a devoted veteran army behind him; and had exorcised the Roman dread of the Gauls since the sack of the city in BC. In Rome, he had also eclipsed in the public imagination his Triumvirate colleagues Pompey and Crassus. He hoped his accomplishments had earned him safe passage back to Rome free from prosecution, but it was not to be.

Rome and Caesar were on a collision course that would destroy the year-old Republic. Throughout his eight years of campaigning in Gaul , Julius Caesar had been equally busy in shoring-up his political position at home, but the First Triumvirate nonetheless unraveled anyway. Crassus was still dreaming of the Triumph that had been denied him after Sulla's civil war and the Third Servile War , and had undertaken a campaign in the east against the Parthian Persian Empire.

But the campaign was a disaster with the Parthians playing the overconfident Crassus like a fiddle. A friendly local offered to act as a guide to his army, but the man was secretly in the pay of the Parthians, having been tasked with lead the Romans on a wild goose chase, deeper and deeper into the desert. They would charge in at full speed firing arrows the whole time, and then wheel-away continuing to fire arrows over their shoulders as they went; this last maneuver was called a " Parthian shot ", or as we know it today, a parting shot.

After the crushing defeat at Carrhae, Crassus tried to negotiate a truce, but was taken captive and executed; legend has it that the Partians, well aware of Crassus' renowned greed, poured molten gold down his throat. Of the 40, men who had marched into Parthia just weeks before, only 10, limped back to Roman territory. Rome's humiliating defeat was made worse by the captured several Legionary Eagles; some 30 years later Emperor Augustus would spend a great deal of diplomatic energy recovering the Eagles and Rome's lost honour.

The death of Crassus marked the end of the First Triumvirate. The year before Julia had died, the daughter of Caesar and wife of Pompey, thus removing an important bond between the two men. Caesar desperately tried to salvage the partnership by offering Pompey another marriage alliance, but Pompey, envious of Caesar's success in Gaul and popularity in the public imagination, instead married the daughter of Quintus Metellus Scipio d.

Caesar crossing the Rubicon. The Senate, fearful now of Caesar as a tyrant, turned definitely to Pompey as their best protection, appointing him virtually Dictatorial powers; they stopped one step short, making him sole Consul without a colleague. A tense showdown ensued with both sides refusing to blink. Pompey and the Senate ordered Caesar to resign command of his army, and return to Rome as a private citizen. Caesar countered this by demanding to be allowed to stand for Consul in absentia, which would protect himself from legal prosecution.

As the showdown escalated, Caesar's his trusted lieutenant Mark Antony d.

Grammar and rhetoric

The Senate however refused to back down, and on the day of the vote to declared Caesar an enemy-of-the-state, Mark Antony was manhandled out of the Senate House before he could exercise his veto. Caesar would use this incident, a clear violation of the office of Tribune, in order to stir up his troops. With few options left to him, on 10 January 49 BC, Caesar ordered the one legion he had on hand to cross the tiny Rubicon River, which marked the border between his province and the home peninsula, an act of treason consciously and irrevocably sparking Caesar's Civil War 49—45 BC.

Famously, upon crossing the Rubicon, Caesar quoted the Athenian playwright Menander, " the die is cast "; they were all in the hands of fate now, whatever her fickle verdict turned out to be. Caesar's unexpected decision threw Pompey and the Senate into a panic. They were aware that Caesar was moving rapidly but didn't know he only possessed only a single legion; or more likely they knew but simply couldn't believe it. In the end, Pompey's imagination got the better of him, and he withdrew via Brundisium to Roman Greece; he had made his name in the east and that was where his support lay.

And the Senate almost to a man followed him. Unlike both Marius and Sulla , who after marching on Rome murder their political enemies, Caesar showed remarkable restraint. There was no bloodshed during his brief stay, and he focused primarily on stabilising the grain supply problems and economic meltdown that had been caused by the outbreak of civil war.

Then, leaving Mark Antony in charge in Rome, Caesar effected an astonishing day march from Italy to Spain, in order to deal with seven legions there that were loyal to Pompey. Settling matters in Spain required little actual fighting. Caesar again showed remarkable restraint, pardoning the men including the leaders, and disbanding the legions; most men turned around and joined Caesar's cause.

Caesar could be ruthless and even cruel, but the civil war was characterised by mildness to his political opponents. Caesar returned via Italy to renew his pursuit of Pompey, who had spent the year gathering a massive army in Greece. Determined to take the fight to the enemy, Caesar ordered an almost unprecedented winter crossing of the Adriatic, not once but twice since he lacked the ships to ferry his entire army across. But, Pompey had made his name clearing the Mediterranean of pirates , and had by far the better navy.

Caesar caught the Pompeian navy by surprise and successfully made the first crossing, but the second crossing was blocked. This left Caesar in a very precarious position near the Greek port of Dyrrhachium, with only half his army, no way to resupply, and soon surrounded by Pompey's much larger and better supplied legions. Pompey was justifiably cautious. Caesar's position somewhat improved in the spring, when Mark Antony lit-a-fire under the second half of Caesar's army, and successfully ran the naval blockade to link-up. Meanwhile Caesar ordered his engineers to build walls around his camp, and Pompey responded with his own parallel set of fortifications and trench.

The space between the walls became a no-man's-land of constant skirmishes with little gain by either side. The stalemate was finally broken when some defectors from Caesar's camp revealed a weak point in his defences. Caesar and his army nevertheless managed to slip away. Caesar himself was amazed by his escape, remarking, " Today the victory had been the enemy's, had there been anyone among them to gain it.

At Pharsalus, Pompey held most of the advantages; twice as many men on the high ground with strong supply-lines. The two armies were lined up with a river on Caesar's left and Pompey's right, so both commanders looked to the far flank as the centre of the action. The battle began when Caesar ordering his infantry in the centre to advance. Normally in a battle, this would prompt Pompey to advance his own centre, but instead he held the line, planning to exhaust Caesar's veterans by forcing them to run the whole way.

But in an astonishing show of discipline, Caesar had his men halt short, rest and regroup, and then close the final distance. With the two infantries engaged, Pompey's cavalry advanced. Caeser's cavalry briefly engaged and then feigned a retreat towards the hidden legion of pikemen. This scattered Pompey's surprised cavalry, and the battle was as good as over.


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  8. Caeser's cavalry and infantry on the flank wheeled around, and crashed into Pompey's left flank. Fighting on two sides, the Pompeian legions were rolled-up like a carpet. In the aftermath, the great Pompey was reduced to a man fleeing for his life disguised as a common camp follower.

    Pompey made for North Africa via Egypt where he still had allies. In this, the conspiring ministers could not have been more wrong. Having been denied of his coup-de-grace of pardoning Pompey, a furious Caesar decided to intervene in the ongoing civil war in Egypt against Ptolemy's sister wife and co-ruler , the legendary Cleopatra VII 30 BC. Caesar called for Cleopatra to return to Alexandria from exile. To avoid assassination, she famously had herself smuggled into the palace in a laundry bag.

    Caesar was immediately taken by the cunning young queen, and sided with her in the civil war. Not long after, Cleopatra became his lovers, with whom he fathered his only known son, Caesarion. With only a single Roman legion to Egypt, Caesar found himself besieged in the royal palace in Alexandria for several weeks. Nevertheless Roman reinforcements eventually arrived, and easily routed Ptolemy's forces; the child Pharaoh drowned trying to flee. Thus Cleopatra was installed as sole ruler in Egypt, the last Pharaoh of still nominally independent Ptolemaic Egypt.

    Caesar's civil war would carry on for another two years against pockets of resistance, but the end result was rarely in doubt. There was an opportunist rebellion in Pontus led by a son of Rome's old enemy Mithridates , which Caesar suppressed with ease; a campaign that he famously describing as, " I came; I saw; I conquered. Four years after crossing the Rubicon, Caesar now stood atop Rome alone and unchallenged.